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5078 - HISTÓRIA DA LÍNGUA ESPANHOLA

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History of the Spanish Language História da Língua Espanhola by David Pharies
SummaryContents Conteúdo
Spanish is Latin
Language Change
Genealogy of Spanish
External History
Internal history
Varieties of Spanish As variedades do espanhol
Spanish Language Myths
Works Cited Trabalhos Citados
Suggested Readings
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Spanish is Latin
Normally it is said that Spanish derives from Latin, but this formulation masks the very important fact that Spanish is the same linguistic entity that Latin was, only two millennia later. To be more precise, Spanish (Sp. español ) is the most widely used name of the current form of the Latin that developed in the north-central part of the Iberian Peninsula historically called Castile (whence the language's other name, Castilian, Sp. castellano ). The fact that Spanish is Latin is complicated by the fact that several other languages also developed from local forms of Latin, such that it is also true that French, Italian, Catalan, Portuguese, and Romanian are Latin. Together, these languages are known as the Romance languages, where the term Romance derives in from the spoken Latin phrase fabulāre (or parlāre ) romānicē 'to speak in the manner of the Romans', ie, speak Latin.

It is possible to trace the linguistic genealogy of Spanish backward in time to the Latin stage, but in order to understand the significance of each step in this process, it is necessary to know about the nature and mechanisms of language change.




Language Change
All aspects of human culture are engaged in an implacable process of change. This is easily observable in most areas of human endeavor, including fashion, politics, media, technology, and human relations. This explains, for example, why today's grandparents dress differently from their grandchildren, have different political opinions, are slow in accepting modern digital technology and new means of communication, and are baffled by modern-day sexual mores and child-rearing practices. Inevitably, by the time today's children are grandparents, they will be similarly out-of-step with their grandchildren's world. Language, as a central aspect of human culture, is equally susceptible to this inexorable process of change. Some language change – especially the coining of new words – is in response to changes in other cultural spheres, but even the most abstract and fundamental components of a language – its sounds, grammatical forms, syntactic rules, and the meanings of words – are involved in a process that will eventually render the current form of today's languages all but unintelligible to future speakers.

A cursory examination of the new Diccionario panhispánico de dudas (2005), a book whose purpose is to identify changes in progress and either regulate them or try to stop them, provides an abundance of examples of language change in several categories.

In terms of the lexicon, Spanish is constantly adding new words, many of which are Anglicisms, ie, borrowings from English, cf. Em termos do léxico, o espanhol é constantemente adicionando novas palavras, muitas das quais são anglicismos, ou seja, empréstimos de Inglês, cf. the following list, culled from only two pages (96-97) of the Diccionario : A lista a seguir, selecionadas a partir de apenas duas páginas (96-97) do Diccionario: bísquet 'biscuit', bistec 'steak', bit 'bit, binary unit of information', bíter 'bitter, type of ale', bléiser 'blazer', blíster 'blister pack' (type of packaging), bloc 'unit of stationery', blues 'musical form', and bluf 'bluff'. "Bísquet 'biscoito, bistec' bife ',' pouco 'pouco binário, unidade de informação", mordedor, amargo' tipo de cerveja ", bléiser 'blazer' bolha da bolha 'pack (tipo de embalagem), unidade de bloco de artigos de papelaria 'blues' forma musical ", e bluf 'bluff'. New words also enter the vocabulary from other languages, eg, bonsái , from Japanese, bufé 'buffet', from French. Novas palavras também introduzir o vocabulário de outros idiomas, por exemplo, Bonsai, do japonês ", Bufe 'buffet, do francês. Changes in meaning in pre-existing words are also extremely common, cf the examples canguro 'kangaroo' → 'baby-sitter', pareja 'couple' → Mudanças de significado em palavras pré-existentes são extremamente comuns, canguro 'canguru cf os exemplos →' baby-sitter ', → "par" pareja 'domestic partner', busca 'search' → 'Parceiro doméstico', → 'search' Busca 'beeper'. 'Bip'.

In noun morphology, vast changes are taking place in the set of words used to name female workers and professionals, cf. jueza 'woman judge' (beside traditional la juez ), sastra 'woman tailor' ( sastre ), presidenta 'woman president' ( presidente ). Na morfologia do substantivo, grandes mudanças estão ocorrendo no conjunto de palavras utilizadas para denominar os trabalhadores do sexo feminino e profissionais, cf. Jueza mulher juiz (ao lado do tradicional la juez) alfaiate, sastra 'mulher (Sastre),' PresidenteA mulher presidente (orientador). The special rules that dictate the usage of the articles el and un with certain singular feminine nouns (eg, el águila 'the eagle', un águila 'an eagle') are generating confusion about the true gender of these nouns, resulting in forms such as este águila and pocos águilas , which are incorrect but gaining in frequency. As regras especiais que determinam o uso do el artigos e un singular com certos substantivos femininos (por exemplo, El Águila 'águia', 'águia un águila "a) gerar confusão são sobre o verdadeiro sexo desses substantivos, resultando em formas, tais como águila Este e águilas Poços, que estão incorretos, mas ganhando em freqüência. In the verbal system there is a tendency to replace historically irregular past participles with regularized forms, cf. freído for frito 'fried', proveído for provisto 'provided', imprimido for impreso 'printed', and this tendency toward regularization sometimes affects whole paradigms, as in the case of satisfacer 'to satisfy', in whose usage we find such innovative forms as satisfací , satisfaciera , satisfaceré for traditional satisfice 'I satisfied', satisficiera 'he/she/I might satisfy', satisfaré 'I will satisfy'. No sistema verbal, há uma tendência para substituir historicamente particípios passados irregulares com formas regularizadas, cf. Freído para proveído 'frito', frito para provisto 'desde', imprimido para impreso 'impresso', e esta tendência de regularização, por vezes, afeta toda paradigmas , como no caso de satisfacer 'satisfazer', em cujo uso que encontramos formas inovadoras tais como satisfací, satisfaciera, satisfaceré para satisfice tradicionais "Eu satisfeitos, satisficiera" ele / ela / eu possa satisfazer, satisfaré 'Vou satisfazer .

In terms of syntax, the language is undergoing changes in a number of areas. Em termos de sintaxe, a língua está passando por mudanças em várias áreas. The pronoun cuyo 'whose' is being replaced in many dialects by que 'that' plus a possessive adjective, eg, es el hombre cuya casa se vendió → O cuyo pronome "cujo" está sendo substituído em muitos dialetos por Que 'que' mais um adjetivo possessivo, por exemplo, es el hombre cuya casa se Vendio → es el hombre que su casa se vendió 'it's the man whose house was sold'. es el hombre Que su casa se Vendio 'é o homem cuja casa foi vendida ". The impersonal verbs haber 'to have' is increasingly being interpreted as personal, cf. habían tres personas en el cuarto 'there were three people in the room', and even habemos tres personas en el cuarto 'there were three of us in the room'. O haber verbos impessoais 'ter' é cada vez mais interpretada como pessoal, cf. Habian tres personas en el cuarto "Havia três pessoas na sala, e mesmo habemos tres personas en el cuarto" havia três de nós na sala . In traditional Spanish, these utterances would be rendered as había tres personas en el cuarto and somos tres personas en el cuarto . Em espanhol tradicional, estas declarações seriam processados como había tres personas en el cuarto e Somos tres personas en el cuarto.

Finally, the pronunciation of Spanish is changing in subtle ways as well. Por último, a pronúncia do espanhol está mudando de maneiras sutis. In most of Spanish America, for example, the consonants [b], [g], and especially [d] are becoming ever more weakened in intervocalic position, such that a word such as Navidades 'Christmas' is tending toward a pronunciation [naiáes]. Na maior parte da América espanhola, por exemplo, as consoantes [b], [g] e, especialmente, [d] são cada vez mais enfraquecido em posição intervocálica, como que uma palavra como 'Navidades "Natal é tendendo a uma naiáes [pronúncia ]. In Spain a very noticeable change is the depalatalization of [t š ] to [ts], such that mucho is pronounced [mútso]. Em Espanha, uma mudança muito notável é o depalatalization de t [s] para [ts], mucho que essa é pronunciado [mútso].

Of course Spanish is not the only language that is undergoing changes in progress. É claro que o espanhol não é a única linguagem que está passando por mudanças em curso. In fact, a good test of whether or not a language can be considered a living form of communication is the presence of changes in progress. De fato, um bom teste para saber se ou não uma língua pode ser considerada uma forma viva de comunicação é a presença de alterações em curso. American English is a good example. Inglês americano é um bom exemplo. Phonologically, the vowels of this language are extremely volatile: Fonologicamente, as vogais desta língua são extremamente voláteis: it is becoming increasingly common to hear desk pronounced as dusk , amazing as ameezing , thank you as think you , and kids as keds . é cada vez mais comum ouvir secretária pronunciado como o crepúsculo, incrível como ameezing, obrigado a pensar que você, e as crianças como keds. In English verbal morphology, there is confusion as to the correct form of many past participles: Em morfologia verbal Inglês, não há confusão quanto à forma correta de muitos particípios passados: awoke / awoken , beat / beaten , bitten / bit , forgotten / forgot , hidden / hid , and there is a corollary development whereby past participles are replaced with past tense forms: Acordei / acordado, bateu / batido, pouco / mordido, esquecida / esquecia, escondida / escondido, e há um desenvolvimento corolário segundo o qual particípios passados são substituídas por formas passado tensa: I have already drank one ; I have already swam four laps ; he had already went four times . Eu já bebi uma, eu já nadou quatro voltas, ele já foi quatro vezes. As for syntax, distinguishing between subject and object case is becoming increasingly difficult for English speakers, who say, one the one hand, him and me are going to the movies (should be: he and I ), and on the other, she gave it to he and I (should be: him and me ). Quanto à sintaxe, a distinção entre sujeito e objeto caso está se tornando cada vez mais difícil para os falantes de Inglês, que dizem, uma uma mão, ele e eu estamos indo ao cinema (deveria ser: eu e ele), e por outro, ela deu para ele e eu (deveria ser: ele e eu). The English lexicon, meanwhile, is changing at the same dizzying speed as the world around us, witness the new words faux-hawk , e-mail , blog , prion , freaking , and homophobic , and the new meanings of gay 'homosexual', ecstasy 'drug that produces euphoria', rag 'complain', and go down 'happen'. Dicionário de Inglês, entretanto, está mudando a um ritmo alucinante mesmo que o mundo que nos rodeia, testemunha as novas palavras falso-falcão, e-mail, blog, prion, pânico, e homofóbica, e os novos significados de gay "homossexual", "ecstasy" droga que produz euforia de pano, "reclamar", e ir para baixo "acontecer".




Genealogy of Spanish Genealogia da Espanha
In light of what we have just learned about language changes in progress, ie, changes that are taking place before our very eyes (or ears), it is possible to conceptualize the process whereby the language of ancient Rome undergoes so many changes, over a period of centuries, that its original form eventually becomes unintelligible to present-day speakers of the many forms of what might be called neo-Latin. À luz do que acabamos de aprender sobre as alterações de linguagem em curso, ou seja, as mudanças que estão ocorrendo diante de nossos olhos (ou ouvidos), é possível conceituar o processo pelo qual a linguagem de Roma antiga sofre tantas mudanças, ao longo de um período de séculos, que a sua forma original, eventualmente, se torna incompreensível a-dia apresentam alto-falantes das muitas formas do que poderia ser chamado de neo-latina. The fact that neo-Latin is now a family of languages (the Romance family) is also instructive, since it shows that when two or more communities that speak the same language become isolated from each other, the different trajectories of their local linguistic changes will eventually produce mutually unintelligible languages. O fato de que neo-latino-se agora uma família de línguas (a família Romance) também é instrutivo, pois mostra que quando duas ou mais comunidades que falam a mesma língua se isolados uns dos outros, as diferentes trajetórias de seus locais de mudanças linguísticas que eventualmente produzir línguas mutuamente ininteligíveis.

The history of the originally Latin-speaking populations over the last two millennia is such that there has been ample opportunity for independent evolution of local linguistic forms. A história da América de língua populações inicialmente sobre os dois últimos milênios é tal que tem havido uma grande oportunidade de evolução independente do local formas lingüísticas. By tracing this evolution, we are essentially describing the genealogy of the Spanish language. Ao traçar a evolução, nós estamos a descrever a genealogia da língua espanhola.

Roman civilization and the Latin language appear on the Italian Peninsula beginning in the sixth century BCE, and by the first century BCE Latin is experiencing its Classic period, as defined by the literary production of such authors as Cicero, Sallust, Catullus, Virgil, Horace, and Ovid. Civilização romana ea língua latina aparecem no início Península Itálica, no século VI aC, e pelo primeiro século aC Latina está vivendo seu período clássico, como definido pela produção literária de autores como Cícero, Salústio, Catulo, Virgílio, Horácio e Ovídio. Two centuries later, both the Empire and the literary language have entered a period of decline whose most important linguistic effect is the development of a diglossic situation, whereby written and spoken Latin become increasingly divergent. Dois séculos mais tarde, tanto no Império e na linguagem literária entraram num período de declínio, cuja maior parte linguística efeito importante é o desenvolvimento de uma situação diglóssico, qual escrita e falada latino-se cada vez mais divergentes. Eventually, perhaps by the sixth or seventh century CE, written Latin largely stagnates, while spoken Latin continues to evolve and to differentiate on a local basis, resulting in the rise of the vernacular languages of the Romance family. Eventualmente, talvez o sétimo ou sexto século EC, escrito Latina estagnada em grande parte, ao falar da América Latina continua a evoluir e se diferenciar em uma base local, resultando na ascensão das línguas vernáculas da família Romance. Classical or written Latin, in the meantime, becomes increasingly artificial until it reaches a point where it can properly be called a “dead” language. Clássica ou escrita Latina, entretanto, torna-se cada vez mais artificial, até atingir um ponto em que possa ser devidamente chamado de mortos "linguagem". Its demise is guaranteed when, in the earliest centuries of the second millennium, the previously unthinkable practice of using the vernacular languages for writing becomes prevalent. A sua morte é garantida quando, nos primeiros séculos do segundo milénio, o impensável anteriormente prática de usar a linguagem vernácula para a escrita torna-se predominante.

It is customary to refer to the spoken Latin of the mid-to-late first millennium as Proto-Romance, where the prefix proto- denotes a language for which there is no written evidence. É costume referir ao latim falado da-a-final do primeiro milênio meados de proto-românica, onde o prefixo proto-denota uma linguagem para a qual não há provas escritas. An early division separates eastern from western Proto-Romance. Uma divisão início separa leste do oeste do proto-romance. In the east we see the eventual development of Rumanian, some southern Italian dialects, and the now-extinct language called Dalmatian. No leste, vemos o eventual desenvolvimento de romenos, alguns dialetos italianos do sul, e do extinto idioma chamado agora dálmata. Western Proto-Romance undergoes further internal division into Proto-Gallo-Romance (from which eventually French and Occitan arise), Proto-Italo-Romance (the ancestor of standard Italian and northern Italian dialects), and Proto-Ibero-Romance, a language that arises on the Iberian Peninsula and eventually – perhaps by the beginning of the second millennium – differentiates into the ancestors of Galician-Portuguese in the west, Hispano-Romance (including Asturian, Leonese, Castilian, Navarrese, and Aragonese) in the center, and Catalan in the east. Proto-Romance Ocidental sofre ainda mais a divisão interna em proto-galo-românicas (de onde, eventualmente, francês e occitano surgir), Proto-ítalo-Romance (o antepassado de padrão italiano e dialetos italianos do norte), e Proto-Ibero-Romance, uma linguagem que surge na Península Ibérica e, eventualmente, - talvez o início do segundo milênio - se diferencia em antepassados de Galego-Português, no oeste, hispano-Romance (incluindo o asturiano, leonês, o castelhano, Navarra e Aragão), no centro, eo catalão a leste. As we shall see below, historical events conspire to make Castilian dominant in this last group. Como veremos a seguir, os acontecimentos históricos conspiram para tornar castelhano dominante neste último grupo.




External History História Externa
From a linguistic point of view, the two most important events in the external history of the Iberian Peninsula are the Roman invasion, which results in the imposition of Latin as the predominant language of the region, and the Reconquest of the Penisula after the Moorish invasion of 711, which eventually results in the establishment of Castilian – one of many competing dialects of Ibero- and Hispano-Romance – as the standard language of Spain. Do ponto de vista lingüístico, os dois eventos mais importantes da história externa da Península Ibérica são os invasão romana, o que resulta na imposição do latim como língua predominante da região, e Reconquista da península, após a invasão moura de 711, o que acaba por resultar no estabelecimento de castelhano - um dos muitos dialetos concorrentes dos Estados Ibero-e hispano-românicas - como a linguagem padrão da Espanha. Below I describe these two events in more detail. Abaixo eu descrevo estes dois eventos em detalhes.

The Romans enter the Iberian Peninsula for the first time in 218 BCE during the Second Punic War (218-201 BCE) against the Carthaginians, a Phoenician people who had established their capital city, Carthage, in what is now Tunisia. Os romanos entrar na Península Ibérica, pela primeira vez em 218 aC durante a Segunda Guerra Púnica (218-201 aC) contra os cartagineses, povo fenício, que tinha estabelecido sua capital, Cartago, no que é hoje a Tunísia. As an outcome of this conflict, Carthage cedes all claims on the Iberian Peninsula to the Romans, who launch a protracted military campaign to wrest control of the territory from its inhabitants (primarily Iberians, Celts, and the mixed Celtiberians), culminating in final victory some 199 years later (in 19 BCE). Como resultado deste conflito, Cartago cede todos os direitos sobre a Península Ibérica pelos romanos, que lançará uma campanha militar prolongada para tirar o controle do território de seus habitantes (principalmente iberos, celtas e os celtiberos misto), culminando na vitória final alguns 199 anos depois (em 19 aC). The replacement of the conquered peoples' languages by Latin occurs over a long period as a result of the settlement of the area by Roman soldiers, administrators, and colonists and the accompanying imposition of Roman law and customs. A substituição de conquistada por povos línguas da América ocorre durante um longo período, como resultado da ocupação do seu território por soldados romanos, administradores e colonos ea imposição de acompanhamento do direito romano e dos costumes. The resulting economic and demographic environment makes the advantages of becoming bilingual in Latin, and eventually shifting entirely to Latin, irresistible to succeeding generations of non-Romans. O ambiente econômico e demográfico resultante faz com que as vantagens de se tornar bilíngüe em latim e, eventualmente, mudar totalmente para o latim, irresistível para as gerações seguintes de não-romanos.

The ties between the Iberian Peninsula and Rome become steadily more tenuous until the fall of the Empire in 476 CE. Os laços entre a Península Ibérica e Roma se tornar cada vez mais tênue, até a queda do Império em 476 CE. Rome is able to rid the Peninsula of the first wave of barbarian invasions (by the Vandals and Swabians in 409), but only by enlisting the aid of yet another group of barbarians, the Visigoths, who eventually settle in southern Gaul. Roma é capaz de livrar a Península de a primeira onda de invasões dos bárbaros (pelos vândalos e os suevos em 409), mas somente buscando a ajuda de outro grupo de bárbaros, os visigodos, que acabaram por resolver no sul da Gália. When in 507 the Visigoths come under pressure from the Franks invading from the north, they re-enter the Peninsula and establish military and political control. Quando em 507 os visigodos sob pressão dos francos invasores do norte, que re-entrar na península e estabelecer políticas e controle militar. For cartographic illustrations of this and subsequent periods of Iberian history, see the WHKMLA website at http://www.zum.de/whkmla/histatlas/spain/haxspain.html. Para ilustrações cartográficas deste e subseqüentes períodos da história Ibérica, consulte o site WHKMLA na http://www.zum.de/whkmla/histatlas/spain/haxspain.html.

The Visigoths at first hold themselves aloof from Ibero-Roman society, then allow themselves to be quickly absorbed by it, such that they leave little lasting legacy in Iberian culture. Os visigodos no começo manter-se alheio a sociedade ibero-romana, em seguida, deixar-se rapidamente absorvida por ela, de tal forma que deixam pouco legado duradouro na cultura ibérica. Their contribution to spoken Ibero-Latin, in particular, is limited to a small number of lexical borrowings: Sua contribuição para a Ibero-América falado, em particular, está limitado a um pequeno número de empréstimos lexicais: names such as Ramiro and Alfonso , common nouns such as ganso 'goose' and ropa 'clothes', and the patronymic suffix -engo . nomes como Ramiro e Alfonso, substantivos comuns, como 'Ganso' ganso e ropa 'roupa', eo sufixo patronímico engo.

Shortly after their absorption by Ibero-Roman society, the Visigoths' control over the Peninsula is ended by the Moorish invasion of 711. Logo após a sua absorção por sociedade Ibero-romana, dos Visigodos controle sobre a península é encerrado com a invasão moura de 711. The consequences of this invasion are much more far-reaching than those occasioned by the Visigothic invasion, both because the Moors' control of the territory lasts much longer, and because they maintain their language, Islamic religion, and culture during this entire period. As conseqüências dessa invasão é muito mais abrangente do que as ocasionadas pela invasão visigótica, tanto porque os mouros "o controle do território dura muito mais tempo, e porque eles mantêm a sua língua, de religião islâmica, e da cultura durante todo esse período. This explains why the Arabic language has a much more significant effect on Ibero-Latin than Visigothic did. Isso explica por que a língua árabe tem um efeito muito mais significativo na Ibero-América que fez visigótica. The influence is still only lexical, but Arabic loanwords in Ibero-Latin number in the thousands. A influência é ainda apenas lexical, mas estrangeirismos na língua árabe-latino-ibero número na casa dos milhares. The great majority of these are nouns, adopted in such semantic fields as administration ( alcalde 'mayor), military life ( almirante 'admiral'), housing ( alquiler 'rent'), agriculture ( acequia 'ditch'), and crafts ( alfarero 'potter'). A grande maioria destes são substantivos, aprovada em campos semânticos, tais como a administração (alcalde 'prefeito), a vida militar (Almirante' Almirante '), habitação (alquiler "aluguel"), agricultura (acequia' vala ') e artesanato (alfarero 'Harry Potter'). Place names of Arabic origin are also common ( Madrid , Guadalquivir ). Colocar os nomes de origem árabe, também são comuns (Madrid, Guadalquivir).

The Iberian Peninsula might today be culturally aligned with northern Africa were it not for the fact that the Moors do not quite complete the task of removing all traces of Visigothic rule. A Península Ibérica pode hoje ser cultural alinhado com o norte da África, não fosse o fato de que os árabes não chegam a completar a tarefa de remover todos os vestígios do domínio visigótico. In practice, their control never reaches the northernmost parts of the Peninsula, which allows remnants of the Visigothic court to become established in Asturias. Na prática, o controle nunca atinge as partes mais ao norte da Península, que permite que os restos do tribunal visigótica estabelecer-se nas Astúrias. This region then become a base from which a campaign to reconquer the lost territories is launched. Esta região, em seguida, tornar-se uma base de que uma campanha para reconquistar os territórios perdidos é lançado. The resulting struggle lasts for almost eight centuries. A luta resultante dura quase oito séculos. By the year 1000 the Christian kingdoms in the north (Galicia, León, Navarre) have managed to retake approximately one-third of the lost lands, and the year 1080 sees the reconquest of the former Visigothic capital Toledo by a kingdom comprising León and its former dependent Castile. Até o ano 1000 os reinos cristãos no norte (Galiza, Leão, Navarra) conseguiram retomar aproximadamente um terço das terras perdidas, eo ano de 1080 vê a reconquista da capital visigótica de Toledo antigo por um reino que inclui León e seus antiga Castela dependentes. Muslim power suffers a decisive setback in 1212 with the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa (Jaén), and thereafter the now dominant Kingdom of Castile quickly conquers all the most important cities in the southwest part of the Peninsula, including Cordoba, Seville, and Jerez. poder muçulmano sofre uma derrota decisiva em 1212 com a batalha de Navas de Tolosa (Jaén) e, posteriormente, o Reino agora dominante de Castela rapidamente conquistou todas as cidades mais importantes na parte sudoeste da península, incluindo Córdoba, Sevilha e Jerez de la Frontera . The Moorish Kingdom of Granada is allowed to continue to exist in southeast Spain as a tributary of Castile for another two centuries (until 1492) due to the slow pace of repopulation of reconquered areas and nagging political instability in Castile. O reino mouro de Granada é permitido continuar a existir no sudeste da Espanha, um afluente de Castela por mais dois séculos (até 1492), devido à lentidão do processo de repovoamento de áreas reconquistadas e instabilidade política persistente em Castela.

As I hinted above, the region that eventually seizes political power in the central part of the Iberian Peninsula – Castile – has humble beginnings. Como sugeri acima, a região que eventualmente se apropria do poder político na parte central da Península Ibérica - Castela - tem origens humildes. Originally a county under the kingdom of Leon, Castile (whose name derives from Lat. castella 'military emcampments') becomes coequal with Leon by 1004, and very soon attains political and military domination. Originalmente um condado sob o reino de Leão, Castela (cujo nome deriva do Lat. Castella militares emcampments) torna-se co-igual com Leão em 1004, e logo alcança e militar de dominação política. Ironically, Castile is originally among the most uncultured and backward parts of the Peninsula, having been only partially Romanized (as shown by the continuing nearby existence of Basque, a language that may have been spoken by many Castilian bilinguals at one time), only partially controlled by the Visigoths, and overlooked entirely by the Moors. Ironicamente, Castela é originalmente entre os incultos e para trás partes mais da península, tendo sido apenas parcialmente romanizados (como mostra a próxima existência continuada do basco, uma língua que pode ter sido falado por muitos bilíngües castelhano ao mesmo tempo), apenas parcialmente controlada pelos visigodos, e totalmente ignorado pelos mouros. Nevertheless, when the Castilians become the dominant force in the Reconquest, their language and culture experience a steady gain in prestige that eventually establishes them as the cultural and political center of the emerging nation-state known as Spain. No entanto, quando os castelhanos se tornar a força dominante na Reconquista, a sua língua e vivenciar a cultura um ganho constante de prestígio que, eventualmente, estabelece-los como o centro cultural e político do Estado-nação emergente conhecida como Espanha. Without the Moorish invasion and the resultant Christian Reconquest, Castilian language and culture might have remained on the periphery of Iberian society. Sem a invasão dos mouros e os cristãos Reconquista resultante, a língua castelhana e cultura poderia ter permanecido na periferia da sociedade ibérica.

The year 1492 is of special significance to the history of Spain and especially to the history of the Spanish language, because of the following events: O ano de 1492 é de especial significado para a história da Espanha e, especialmente, para a história da língua espanhola, por causa dos seguintes eventos: (1) the completion of the Reconquest under the Reyes Católicos (Ferdinand and Isabella), with the capitulation of Granada, (2) the “discovery” of America by Christopher Columbus on an expedition sponsored by the Spanish crown, (3) the tragic expulsion of Spanish Jews who refuse to convert to Catholicism (an event whose consequences include the development of an archaic Jewish dialect of Spanish called Sefardí, still spoken today), (4) the publication of a grammar of Spanish – the first grammar ever of a European language – and of a Latin-Spanish dictionary, both by Antonio de Nebrija. (1) a conclusão da Reconquista sob o Reyes Católicos (Fernando e Isabel), com a capitulação de Granada, (2) a "descoberta" da América por Cristóvão Colombo em uma expedição patrocinada pela coroa espanhola (3), o trágico expulsão dos judeus espanhóis que se recusam a se converter ao catolicismo (um evento cujas conseqüências incluem o desenvolvimento de um judeu arcaico dialeto do espanhol Sefardí chamado, ainda hoje falada), (4) a publicação de uma gramática da língua espanhola - a primeira gramática de uma vez língua europeia - e de um dicionário latim-espanhol, tanto por Antonio de Nebrija.

After the Middle Ages and up to the present, several additional events have been of special importance in driving the evolution of the Spanish language. One very important event is Spain's participation in the Renaissance, a cultural revolution originating in 14 th -century Italy that replaces the theological preoccupations of the Middle Ages with humanism inspired by Greco-Roman antiquity. As a result, the greatest authors of this period – including Juan de Mena and Fernando de Rojas – enrich the Spanish language with words and stylistic cues taken directly from Latin and Greek. This movement reaches its culmination in Spain with the so-called Siglo de Oro, which stretches from 1517 to 1665 and includes the works of some of Spain's greatest authors, including Miguel de Cervantes, Lope de Vega, and Francisco de Quevedo. Ironically, this period of unparalleled literary creativity coincides with a period of grave economic and political crisis in Spain, the fundamental problem being that Spain's economy, in spite of the large amounts of gold and silver imported from the American colonies, is unable to sustain the very costly and prolonged wars against Protestantism waged by Felipe II (1556-98) and his successors. Political and economic instability continue to plague Spain throughout subsequent centuries. Among the linguistic highlights of this period are the publication in 1611 of the first monolingual dictionary of Spanish, by Sebastián de Covarrubias; the establishment in 1713 of the Royal Spanish Academy of the Language, whose authoritative dictionary is now in its 23 rd edition (2005); and the establishment in 1813 of Spanish (rather than Latin) as the language of instruction in Spanish universities. Após a Idade Média e até os dias atuais, vários eventos adicionais foram de especial importância na condução da evolução da língua espanhola. Um importante evento muito é de participação de Espanha no Renascimento, uma revolução cultural originários de 14 do século Itália ª que substitui the theological preoccupations of the Middle Ages with humanism inspired by Greco-Roman antiquity. As a result, the greatest authors of this period – including Juan de Mena and Fernando de Rojas – enrich the Spanish language with words and stylistic cues taken directly from Latin and Greek. This movement reaches its culmination in Spain with the so-called Siglo de Oro, which stretches from 1517 to 1665 and includes the works of some of Spain's greatest authors, including Miguel de Cervantes, Lope de Vega, and Francisco de Quevedo. Ironically , this period of unparalleled literary creativity coincides with a period of grave economic and political crisis in Spain, the fundamental problem being that Spain's economy, in spite of the large amounts of gold and silver imported from the American colonies, is unable to sustain the very costly and prolonged wars against Protestantism waged by Felipe II (1556-98) and his successors. Political and economic instability continue to plague Spain throughout subsequent centuries. Among the linguistic highlights of this period are the publication in 1611 of the first monolingual dictionary of Spanish , by Sebastián de Covarrubias; the establishment in 1713 of the Royal Spanish Academy of the Language, whose authoritative dictionary is now in its 23 rd edition (2005); and the establishment in 1813 of Spanish (rather than Latin) as the language of instruction in Spanish universities.



Internal history
The history of the Spanish language since its beginnings as the spoken Latin of the Iberian Peninsula has been characterized by the kinds of changes outlined above in the discussion of language change. No aspect or component of the language has escaped this process. By comparing medieval Castilian with written Latin we can deduce to a large degree what changes took place during the first millennium CE; thereafter, we have a steady stream of Castilian texts, produced over a number of centuries, that chronicle changes as they are happening. The existence of Latin and Castilian texts are extremely helpful in understanding the changes that have taken place, but they are also less than ideal in several ways, in particular in that (1) written texts cannot be expected to reflect actual pronunciation (although Spanish orthography is considerably more phonetic than that of English), and (2) the kinds of texts likely to survive for centuries necessarily reflect only the most formal registers of speech.

Below I trace some of the major changes that take place in the morphology, syntax, phonology, and lexicon of the language over the last two millennia. Since a KNOL article is meant to be minimally complex and maximally interesting, I will not attempt a systematic description of the changes in each component, but will instead limit myself to the presentation and analysis of examples. For readers who find that they want to know more about specific types of change, I have listed more complete sources of information at the end of this article.

Morphology . The term “morphology” refers to the component parts of words and their grammatical functions. While words in functional categories such as adverb ( pronto 'soon'), preposition ( para 'for'), and conjunction ( aunque 'although') tend to be invariable, ie, to lack morphological variation, this cannot be said of words in the verbal and nominal categories. As we shall see, while the verbal morphology of Latin changed comparatively little in its evolution toward Spanish, the Latin nominal system (a category that includes nouns, pronouns, adjectives, and articles) has undergone a fundamental transformation.

The essential similarity between the Latin and Spanish verbal systems can be appreciated in a comparison of the present-tense (active, indicative) conjugations of their respective verbs meaning 'to love', ie, amāre and amar .




Latin Spanish Espanhol

First person, singular amō amo

Second person, singular amās amas

Third person, singular amat ama

First person, plural amāmus amamos

Second person, plural amātis amáis

Third person, plural amant aman




Here we see that the Spanish verbal system has preserved the categories of person (first, second, third) and number (singular, plural), such that the two conjugations retain an astonishing similarity. Also surviving the long process of evolution are the categories of mood (indicative, subjunctive, imperative), tense (present, past, future), aspect (perfect, imperfect), and voice (active, passive).

Conversely, the evolution of the verbal system is very much affected by a general tendency, in the more modern forms of the language, to express certain verbal categories through means more analytical (with more than one word) than synthetic (word plus inflectional ending). For example, while the forms of the Latin passive consist, in most tenses, of a single verb form accompanied by a passive inflection ( amātur 'he/she is loved'), in Castilian this is expressed through a phrase consisting of an auxiliary verb and a participle ( es amado ). Another example: while the Latin future is formed by adding an inflectional ending ( amābit 'he/she will love'), Medieval Castilian utilizes a paraphrase based on the infinitive plus a form of the auxiliary verb auer 'to have' ( amar e – a structure which, ironically, has become synthetic again in Modern Spanish as amaré ). The use of auer (Mod. Sp. haber ) as an auxiliary verb with participles also makes possible the creation of perfect tenses that did not exist in Latin, such as the present perfect indicative (Med. Cast. e amado 'I have loved') and subjunctive ( aya amado 'I may have loved').

Latin noun morphology is just as complex as its verbal counterpart, such that nouns, pronouns, and adjectives must be described in terms of paradigms – called declensions – that are in every respect parallel to verb conjugations. As the comparison below of the Latin and Spanish words for 'friend' shows, these paradigms are essentially absent in Spanish.




Latin Spanish Espanhol

Nominative singular amīcus

Genitive singular amīcī

Dative singular amīcō

Accusative singular amīcum amigo

Ablative singular amīcō

Vocative singular amīce



Nominative plural amīcī

Genitive plural amīcōrum

Dative plural amīcīs

Accusative plural amīcōs amigos

Ablative plural amīcīs

Vocative plural am ī c ī




Here we see that while Spanish retains the distinction between singular and plural, it has lost any reference to case. Case refers to grammatical categories such as subject (nominative), indirect object (dative), and direct object (accusative), expressed in Latin nouns through inflectional endings. Thus, a Latin sentence indicates subject and object case primarily through case endings (cf. amīcus videt and videt amīcus , both of which mean 'the friend sees' as against amīcum videt and videt amīcum , both 'he/she sees the friend'), while Spanish communicates this information primarily through word order ( el amigo ve 'the friend sees' vs. ve al amigo 'he/she sees the friend').

Other important changes in the nominal system of Latin: (1) the reduction in genders from three (masculine, feminine, neuter) to two (masculine, feminine), whereby most but not all neuter nouns switch to masculine gender; (2) the expansion of the second person pronoun paradigm to include a distinction between familiar and formal, so that Lat. tū 'you (sg.)' corresponds in Medieval Castilian to both tu (familiar) and uos (formal) (Mod. Sp. tú and usted ); (3) the creation of two new nominal categories on the basis of the Latin demonstrative pronoun ille (fem. illa ), viz., third-person pronouns (Sp. él , ella ), and definite articles (Sp. el , la ).

Syntax . Sintaxe. I have already mentioned the fact that word-order is much less flexible in Spanish than in Latin, due to the loss of the case system. Já mencionei o fato de que, a ordem das palavras é muito menos flexível do que em espanhol na América, devido à perda do sistema caso. There is a loose tendency toward subject-object-verb (SOV) word order in Latin, which has been replaced by a somewhat more fixed tendency toward subject-verb-object (SVO) order in Spanish. Há uma tendência em direção solta sujeito-verbo-objeto) palavra de ordem SOV (em latim, que foi substituída por uma tendência um pouco mais fixo na direção sujeito-verbo-objeto (SVO) ordem em espanhol. Objects do occasionally precede verbs in Spanish, especially in subordinate clauses ( quiero que me sigas tú 'I want you to follow me' (lit. 'I want that me follow you'). Objetos ocasionalmente preceder verbos em espanhol, especialmente em orações subordinadas (Quiero Que Me Sigas tú "Eu quero que você siga-me '(lit.' eu quero que você me siga '). Since SVO order is assumed (unmarked) in independent clauses, the language has developed special ways of clarifying syntactic functions where objects precede verbs, for example, by requiring the duplication of the pre-posed object through a clitic pronoun, as in la ropa la vamos a comprar mañana 'we are going to buy the clothes tomorrow' (lit. 'the clothes them we are going to buy tomorrow'). Desde que assumiu a ordem é SVO (não marcado) em orações independentes, a língua se desenvolveu formas especiais de esclarecer as funções sintáticas que os objetos preceder verbos, por exemplo, exigindo a duplicação do objeto pré-colocados através de um pronome clítico, como em la ropa la Vamos a mañana Comprar 'vamos comprar as roupas de amanhã (lit.' a roupa deles, vamos comprar amanhã). Where the direct object is a person, it must be preceded, additionally, by the preposition a , whether or not it occurs before the verb: Quando o objeto direto é uma pessoa, ela deve ser precedida, ainda, pela preposição a, ou não ocorre antes do verbo: a Juan lo vio María en la calle , María vio a Juan en la calle 'Mary saw John in the street'. de Juan María lo vio en la calle, Juan María vio um en la calle "Maria João viu na rua.

Another notable syntactic development is the so-called passive reflexive, a structure that, as its name suggests, expresses a passive meaning through a reflexive construction. Outro desenvolvimento sintático notável é a chamada passiva reflexiva assim, uma estrutura que, como o próprio nome sugere, expressa um significado passivo através de uma construção reflexiva. Thus, although in theory it is possible in Spanish to say aquí coches son vendidos 'here cars are sold', in practice this would be expressed as aquí se venden coches , lit. Assim, embora em teoria seja possível, em espanhol para dizer aqui filho vendidos coches 'carros aqui são vendidos, na prática, isso poderia ser expresso como se Venden coches aqui, lit. 'here cars sell themselves'. "Aqui se vendem os carros. The actual passive is reserved for utterances in which the agent of the action is important, eg, la carta fue firmada por el jefe 'the letter was signed by the boss'. O passivo real é reservada aos pronunciamentos em que o agente da ação é importante, por exemplo, fue la carta firmada por el jefe "a carta foi assinada pelo chefe.

Phonology . Fonologia. In examining the principal phonological changes that take place in the transformation of Latin into the neo-Latin called Spanish, we must limit our purview to the comparatively small number of Spanish words that have direct antecedents in Latin. Ao examinar as principais mudanças fonológicas que ocorrem na transformação do latim para o neo-latina chamada espanhol, temos de limitar nosso alcance para o número relativamente pequeno de palavras espanholas que têm antecedentes diretos na América Latina. These words, termed “patrimonial”, are passed orally from generation to generation over the two thousand years of intervening history. Estas palavras, denominado "patrimonial", são passadas oralmente de geração em geração ao longo dos dois mil anos de intervir história. On this criterion, we exclude from this analysis the many learnèd words brought into Spanish during the Middle Ages, the Renaissance, and thereafter, such as frígido 'frigid' and estricto 'strict' (from Latin), and epilepsia 'epilepsy' and fonética 'phonetics' (from Greek). Por esse critério, se excluir da presente análise, os aprendi muitas palavras em espanhol trouxe durante a Idade Média, do Renascimento e, posteriormente, como frígido "frígida" e estricto 'estrito' (do latim) e "epilepsia" epilepsia e Fonética "fonética" (do grego). Since these words are not present in the vocabulary of the Ibero-Latin of the first millennium CE, they do not participate in the phonetic changes I will be describing. Desde que estas palavras não estão presentes no vocabulário da Ibero-América do primeiro milênio dC, eles não participam nas alterações fonéticas vou estar a descrever.

In this very brief portrayal of 2000 years of phonological evolution, I will concentrate on four principal changes or groups of changes, two affecting vowel development, and two affecting consonants. Neste breve retrato muito de dois mil anos de evolução fonológica, vou me concentrar em quatro principais mudanças ou grupos de mudanças, duas que afetam o desenvolvimento da vogal e duas consoantes que afectam. One very early vocalic development is a series of mergers through which the Latin inventory of ten vowels (/aeiou/, long and short) and three diphthongs (/aj, oj, aw/) is reduced according to their accentual environment. Um desenvolvimento muito precoce vocálico é uma série de fusões pela qual o inventário do latim dez vogais (/ aeiou /, longas e curtas) e três ditongos (/ aj, oj, aw /) é reduzida de acordo com seu ambiente acentual. For example, in tonic or stressed position, the outcome is seven vowels (/ae è i ò ou/), while in final unstressed position, it is three (/aeo/). Por exemplo, em posição tônica ou estressado, o resultado é sete vogais (/ ae è i OU E / S), enquanto que em posição átona final, é de três (AEO /). Given these changes, a word like Lat. auricula 'ear(lobe)' comes to be pronounced [orékla] at an early stage of its development, while asinu 'ass' is reduced to [ásno]. Tendo em conta estas alterações, uma palavra como Lat aurícula. Orelha (lóbulo) "passa a ser] pronunciado [orékla numa fase precoce do seu desenvolvimento, enquanto 'asinu' burro é reduzido para [Asno]. Both of these examples illustrate a corollary change, whereby vowels in extremely weak accentual position are lost completely. Estes dois exemplos ilustram uma mudança corolário, sendo vogais em posição extremamente frágil accentual são perdidos completamente. Somewhat later, probably near the end of the first millennium CE, a second important vowel phenomenon occurs, when the two open vowels / è / and / ò / diphthongize in tonic position, such that bene [b è ne] 'fine' becomes [bjéne] (whose final - e is lost subsequently) and bono [b ò no] 'good' becomes [bwéno]. Um pouco mais tarde, provavelmente perto do fim do primeiro milênio EC, uma vogal segundo fenômeno importante ocorre, quando os dois vogais abertas / e / e / o / ditongar em posição tônica, de modo que bene [b e NE] 'fina' torna-se [ ] bjéne (cujo final - e se perdeu posteriormente) e bono b [o não] "bom" se torna [bwéno].

The two most significant consonantal developments are palatalization and weakening. Os dois mais significativos desenvolvimentos consonantal são palatalização e enfraquecimento. The first of these, which begins in the early stages of Ibero-Romance and ends shortly before the appearance of written Castilian, is the tendency to pronounce consonants with the tongue located near the palate. A primeira delas, que começa nos estágios iniciais dos Estados Ibero-Romance e termina pouco antes do aparecimento da escrita de Castela, é a tendência a pronunciar as consoantes com a língua perto do palato. Most of the products of this tendency were later depalatalized, but we still have /ñ/, /j/ or /λ/, and /t š /, as in Sp. otoño 'autumn', from Lat. autumnu , Sp. llano 'flat' (pronounced [jáno] or [λáno]), from Lat. planu , and Sp. mucho 'much', 'many', from Lat. multu . A maioria dos produtos dessa tendência foram posteriormente depalatalized, mas ainda temos / n /, / j / ou / λ / e t s /, como em SP. "Otoño de Outono, de Lat autumnu. Sp. Llano 'flat' (pronuncia-se [jano] ou [λáno]), de Lat planu. e Sp.. mucho 'muito', Lat. multu muitos ', de'. The second tendency, called weakening, begins in late Ibero-Romance and continues through Old Castilian. A segunda tendência, chamada de enfraquecimento, começa no final de Ibero-Romance e continua até Old castelhano. Lat. mūtāre [mu:ta:re], for example, is pronounced [mudár] for a time and finally [muδár] (Sp. mudar ). Lat]. Mutare [MU: ta: re, por exemplo, é pronunciado [Mudar] por um tempo e finalmente [muδár] (Mudar Sp.). Sometimes the weakening leads to consonantal loss, as in Lat. sedēre' to sit' > OCast. seer 'to be' (Mod. Sp. ser ). Às vezes, o enfraquecimento leva à perda de consoantes, como em Lat sedere. 'Sentar'> OCast. Vidente "ser" (Mod. Sp. SER).

Some words have undergone repeated modification through the centuries. Algumas palavras têm sofrido modificações repetido através dos séculos. The Latin word fīlia [fi:lia] 'daughter', for example, is pronounced [fíλa] in preliterary Castilian, [hí ža] in Medieval Castilian, [í š a] in the 16 th century, and [íxa] or [íha] in contemporary Spanish, with the spelling hija . A palavra latina Filia [fi: lia] "filha", por exemplo, é pronunciado [fíλa] em castelhano preliterary, [hi za] em castelhano medieval, [I S a] no século 16, e [ix] ou [ Iha] em espanhol contemporâneo, com o hija ortografia. Equally complex is the evolution of Lat. corticea 'tree bark', pronounced [kortét š a] and subsequently [kortétsa] in preliterary Castilian, [kortédza] in Medieval Castilian, [kortéşa] (with a dental sibilant) in the 16 th century, and either [kortéθa] (interdental) or [kortésa] (alveolar) today. Igualmente complexa é a evolução do Lat. Corticea 'casca de árvore ", pronunciado [kortét é uma] e depois [kortétsa] preliterary em castelhano, [kortédza] em castelhano medieval, [kortéşa] (com um sibilante dental) na 16 ª século , e quer [kortéθa] (interdental) ou [kortésa] alveolar) hoje (.

One very important aspect of phonological changes is that their applicability has a set duration, ie, their validity has a beginning and an end. Um aspecto muito importante de mudanças fonológicas é que sua aplicabilidade tenha uma duração definida, ou seja, sua validade tem um início e um fim. We saw above, for example, that the nasal consonant cluster [mn] in autumnu 'autumn' becomes palatal [ñ] in Sp. otoño . Vimos acima, por exemplo, que a consoante nasal cluster [milhões] em 'autumnu Outono torna-se palatal [ñ] em SP. Otoño. It is therefore suprising to see that, when Lat. homine becomes omne in Medieval Castilian, the newly created [mn] cluster is not palatalized (to produce ** óñe ) but instead undergoes a complex process of dissimilation of nasal consonants ([mn] > [mr]) and epenthesis ([mr] > [mbr]) to produce Modern Spanish hombre [ómbre]). Por isso, é surpreendente ver que, quando Lat homine. Omne torna-se em castelhano medieval, o recém-criado mn] cluster [não é palatalizadas (para produzir um **) mas passa por um complexo processo de dissimilação das consoantes nasais ([mn] > [mr]) e epêntese ([mr]> [mbr]) para produzir Moderna hombre espanhol [Ombre]). We conclude that, by the time Medieval Castilian omne arose, the change [mn] > [ñ] that produced otoño was no longer in effect. Concluímos que, na época medieval Omne castelhano levantou-se, a mudança [mn]> [ñ] que produziu otoño não estava mais em vigor.

Lexis . Lexis. I have already made reference to two of the most important sources of words in the lexicon (vocabulary) of Spanish. Eu já fiz referência a duas das mais importantes fontes de palavras no léxico (vocabulário) do espanhol. In terms of frequency of use, by far the most common category of words in Spanish is that of patrimonial words, ie, those that were passed normally from Latin to Spanish, undergoing all applicable changes in pronunciation, form, and meaning. Em termos de freqüência de uso, de longe o mais comum a categoria de palavras em espanhol é que das palavras patrimonial, ou seja, aqueles que foram passados normalmente do latim para o espanhol, passando por todas as alterações aplicáveis na pronúncia, forma e significado. The one hundred most frequent words in the language are all patrimonial, and include function words such as adverbs ( más 'more', ya 'already', cuando 'when'), prepositions ( de 'from, of', en 'in', por 'for), and conjunctions ( y 'and', que 'that', como 'how'), as well as the most common nouns ( hombre 'man', vez 'time', vida 'life'), pronouns ( él 'he', yo 'I', ella 'she'), adjectives ( su 'his/her', este 'this', todo 'all'), articles ( el , la 'the', un 'a'), and verbs ( ser 'to be', haber 'to have' (auxiliary), tener 'to have'). As cem palavras mais freqüentes na língua são todos patrimonial, e incluir palavras funcionam como advérbios (más «mais», ya 'já', cuando "quando"), as preposições (de 'a partir de, de, en' em ' , Por 'para), e as conjunções (y' e 'Que' que ', Como' como '), bem como os nomes mais comuns (hombre' homem ', Vez' tempo 'vida' vida '), pronomes (el 'ele', yo 'I', ella "ela"), adjetivos (su 'suas' este, 'presente', todo 'all'), artigos el (, la 'a', un 'a' ) e verbos (ser 'a', haber 'ter' (auxiliar), tener 'ter'). A small number of patrimonial words were not originally Latin (eg, barro 'mud', perro 'dog', both probably Iberian; baño 'bath', cuchara 'spoon', both Greek), but entered the basic vocabulary at an early date. Um pequeno número de palavras patrimonial não foram originalmente Latina (lama ', por exemplo, Barro,' perro 'cão, provavelmente Ibérica; "baño" banho ", Cuchara" colher, tanto em grego), mas entrou para o vocabulário básico em uma data próxima .

In terms of sheer numbers, patrimonial words are far outnumbered by those whose presence in the vocabulary is due to borrowing and internal generation. Em termos de números absolutos, as palavras patrimonial são superados de longe por aqueles cuja presença no vocabulário é devido à contracção de empréstimos ea geração interna. The term “borrowing” refers (somewhat imprecisely, since the “lending” language does not have to give up its word) to the adoption of a word from another language, either through direct contact with speakers of the language, or through written texts. O "prazo" refere-se financiamento (um tanto imprecisa, já que o "empréstimo" a língua não tem que dar a sua palavra) para a adopção de uma palavra de outra língua, quer através de contacto directo com os falantes da língua, ou através de textos escritos. The manner of transmission and the semantic nature of the words borrowed depend on the historical context in which the contact occurs. O modo de transmissão e à natureza semântica das palavras emprestadas dependem do contexto histórico em que o contato ocorre. Thus, words borrowed from Amerindian languages entered through direct contact between indigenous Americans and Spaniards, and tend to refer to aspects of nature such as plants ( maguey , papa 'potato', mandioca 'cassava') and animals ( iguana , jaguar , ocelote 'ocelot'). Assim, palavras emprestadas de línguas ameríndias entrou através do contato direto entre os indígenas americanos e espanhóis, e tendem a se referir a aspectos da natureza, como plantas (maguey, 'papa' batata ', mandioca' mandioca) e animais (jaguar iguana, ocelote ' jaguatirica '). In contrast, words borrowed from Italian tend to enter the language through the written medium, and refer to aspects of high culture, such as literature ( novela 'novel'), painting ( miniatura 'miniature'), music ( soprano ), and architecture ( balcón 'balcony'). Em contraste, as palavras emprestadas de italianos tendem a indicar a língua por meio escrito, e se referem a aspectos da alta cultura, tais como (novela) 'novela', pintura, literatura («Miniatura» miniatura), música (soprano) e arquitetura ("Balcão" varanda). Ironically, the most numerous borrowings in Spanish are from the Latin language: Ironicamente, os numerosos empréstimos na maioria dos espanhóis são da língua latina: Since for many years Latin was the written language par excellence in Iberia, it was only natural that, when the vernacular languages became acceptable for the written medium, writers would find it irresistible to supplement the somewhat meager set of patrimonial words with the Latin vocabulary they already knew so well. Desde há muitos anos o latim era a língua escrita por excelência na Península Ibérica, era natural que, quando as línguas vernáculas tornou-se aceitável para o suporte de escrita, escritores iria encontrá-lo irresistível para complementar o magro definido um tanto de palavras patrimonial com o vocabulário latino que já conhecia tão bem. In some cases it happened that a Latin word entered the vocabulary twice – once as a patrimonial word and once as a learnèd borrowing. Em alguns casos, aconteceu que uma palavra latina que entrou para o vocabulário duas vezes - uma vez como uma palavra patrimonial e uma vez como um empréstimo aprendido. In these pairs, called etymological doublets, it is typical for the patrimonial word to have a concrete meaning, while the Latin borrowing has a more abstract sense, as can be seen in the doublets artejo 'knuckle' / artículo 'article', caldo 'broth' / cálido 'warm', and lidiar 'to fight' / litigar 'to litigate'. Nesses pares, chamado doublets etimológico, é típico para a palavra patrimonial a ter um significado concreto, enquanto o endividamento latino tem um sentido mais abstrato, como pode ser visto no artejo doublets 'junta' / 'artículo' artigo, caldo ' caldo "cálido /" quente ", e lidiar 'lutar' / litigar" litigar ".

All languages have internal resources for creating new lexical items, and Spanish is no exception. Todas as línguas têm recursos internos para a criação de novos itens lexicais e espanhol não é exceção. In Spanish, by far the most common internal recourse is affixation, ie, the attachment of a prefix or suffix to a word. The most common Spanish prefixes are patrimonial, and have functional meanings, as in des -, which may indicate reversal ( abotonar 'to button up' → desabotonar 'to unbutton') or opposite ( honesto 'honest' → deshonesto 'dishonest'); re -, which indicates repetition ( hacer 'to do' → rehacer 'to redo') or intensity ( bien 'well' → rebién 'very well'); and sobre -, which indicates position ( poner 'to put, place' → sobreponer 'to superimpose'). Spanish also has a large number of learned prefixes, ie, prefixes borrowed from Latin ( ambidiestro 'ambidextrous', bianual 'biannual', centilitro 'centiliter') or Greek ( afónico 'hoarse', antiamericano 'anti-American', di-crónico 'diachronic'). Unlike prefixes, which alter the meanings but not the grammatical categories of words, the very numerous set of Spanish suffixes includes examples that can do both, as in hallazgo 'finding', a noun derived from the verb hallar 'to find', and the verb españolizar 'to make Spanish', derived from the adjective español 'Spanish'. As in the case of prefixes, we find suffixes of both patrimonial and learned origin fulfilling a number of functions, including intensity ( grande 'large' → grandísimo 'extremely large'), size ( mesa 'table' → mesita 'small table'), characteristic activity ( payaso 'clown' → payasada 'clowning around'), passive possibility ( soportar 'to tolerate' → soportable 'tolerable'), and similiarity ( sufijo 'suffix' → sufijoide 'suffixoid').

There are a number of less productive recourses for making new words. Compounding, the process whereby two independent words are combined to form a new one, is relatively rare in Spanish in comparison to languages such as English and German. Examples include actor-director , which implies that the referent plays two roles at the same time; hombre-lobo 'werewolf' (from hombre and lobo 'wolf'), which designates a type of man; and sacapuntas 'pencil sharpener' (from sacar 'to pull out' + punta 'point'), designating an object that performs a function. Other procedures occur even less frequently, cf. clips ( divertido 'fun' → diver 'fun'), blends ( burro 'ass' + burocracia 'bureaucracy' → burrocracia 'stubborn bureaucracy'), acronyms ( Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte → OTAN 'NATO'), reduplications ( lamer 'to lick' → lame-lame 'brown-noser'), and onomatopoeias ( zas 'whoosh', 'bang').




Varieties of Spanish
In our portrayal of the genealogy of Spanish, we showed that early Castilian is one of several varieties that develop from the Ibero-Romance variety called Hispano-Romance. Traces of these ancient varieties – Asturian and Leonese in the northwest, Navarrese and Aragonese in the northeast – still exist in rural areas, and they are sometimes erroneously referred to as dialects or varieties of Castilian. In reality, they are “sister” varieties rather than “daughter” varieties.

As I mentioned above, language varieties come about whenever language communities divide into isolated subgroups. During and after the final phases of the Reconquest, this situation arises in the southern part of the Iberian Peninsula, in the area called Andalusia (Sp. Andalucía ). Several factors work together to allow the Castilian spoken in this region to develop a highly idiosyncratic character. First, the mountain range known as the Sierra Morena represents a geographical barrier to communication between Andalusia and the rest of Spain. Second, due to preoccupations with its internal political situation, Castile remains indifferent to Andalusia for several centuries. Third, the newly conquered territory of Andalusia attracts settlers not only from Castile but from all other parts of the Peninsula and even from foreign lands. From this mixture of spoken varieties a new local standard is negotiated, in a process referred to as “leveling”.

As the term implies, leveling typically entails a process of simplification, whereby phonological and morphological distinctions may be lost, and indeed, the Andalusian variety is perhaps most clearly defined by simplifications in phonology (eg, seseo , the convergence of the /θ/ and /s/ phonemes in favor of the latter) and morphology (the replacement of the second-person plural familiar pronoun vosotros by its formal counterpart ustedes ). Andalusian phonology is also characterized generally by (1) a tendency to aspirate (pronounce as [h]) the phoneme /s/ in syllable-final position (cf. estas moscas [éhtah móhcah] 'these flies'), (2) the replacement of the Castilian velar [x] or uvular [X] fricative with the glottal [h] (gesto japonés [hésto haponéh] 'Japanese gesture'), (3) yeísmo , the replacement of the palatal lateral phoneme /λ/ by the non-lateral /j/ (hallé llaves [ajé jáβeh] 'I found keys'), and (4) a predorsal, convex articulation of /s/ (akin to the /s/ of standard American English) as opposed to the apico-alveolar (ie, tip-of-the-tongue) articulation characteristic of Castilian.

The overwhelming majority of today's Spanish speakers do not live in Spain but in Spanish America. Due to a historical coincidence of epic proportions, the war of Reconquest in Spain ends at the same time that Christopher Columbus encounters the New World, which he mistakes for India. Consequently, the Spaniards are able to transfer their domestic military campaigns seamlessly to a new continent, where their immense technological superiority enables them, in a short time, to seize large tracts of land, usurp local political power, enslave whole peoples, and take large amounts of precious metals back to Spain. After the initial waves of armed conquistadors at the beginning of the 16 th century, a stream of Spanish colonizers that continues unabated until well into the 19 th century brings Spanish language, laws, and customs to the New World. Their influence is such that Spanish is now an official language in nineteen Central and South American Countries and is spoken by well over 90% of their combined populations.

The same leveling process that results in the birth of the Andalusian variety is also a major factor in the formation of the many local speech varieties in Spanish America. O processo de nivelamento mesmo que resulta no nascimento da variedade da Andaluzia é também um factor importante na formação das muitas variedades de discurso locais na América espanhola. The majority of conquistadors and settlers are Castilians, Andalusians, or Canary Islanders (whose dialect is very much akin to that of western Andalusia), but immigrants from Galicia and the entire eastern half of Spain are also common. A maioria dos conquistadores e colonizadores são castelhanos, andaluzes, ou Canárias Ilhéus (cujo dialeto é muito semelhante à da Andaluzia ocidental), mas os imigrantes da Galiza e do leste da metade inteira da Espanha também são comuns. Here, the leveling process leads to the universal adoption of the Andalusian seseo and replacement of vosotros . Aqui, o processo de nivelamento leva à adoção universal da seseo andaluz e substituição de vosotros. Two additional factors are decisive in the determination of local speech characteristics in America. Dois outros fatores são decisivos na determinação das características do discurso locais nos Estados Unidos. First is the intensity and nature of contact with Spain that applied in each area. A primeira é a intensidade e natureza do contacto com a Espanha que o aplicado em cada área. Lowland areas, ie, coastal areas and the islands of the Caribbean, for example, maintain strong contact with the evolving language of Andalusia through that region's dominance in transatlantic transportation. áreas de várzea, ou seja, zonas costeiras e das ilhas do Caribe, por exemplo, manter um forte contato com a língua evolui através da Andaluzia, região que, em posição dominante de transporte transatlântico. This factor explains the fact that American lowlands varieties share additional significant traits with Andalusian, including all four of those listed above. Este fator explica o fato de que as planícies variedades americanos compartilham características adicionais significativas com Andaluzia, incluindo todos os quatro das listadas acima. The Spanish that arises in areas far from the coasts is less subject to this influence since, in administrative centers far from the sea – such as Bogotá and Mexico City – the prestige of Castilian remains paramount, though not to such a degree as to impede the leveling process. O espanhol que surge em áreas distantes da costa é menos sujeito a essa influência, pois, em centros administrativos longe do mar - como Bogotá e Cidade do México - o prestígio do castelhano continua a ser fundamental, embora não a tal ponto de dificultar a nivelamento processo. The second factor is patterns of immigration to Spanish America, especially in the nineteenth century. O segundo fator são os padrões de imigração para a América espanhola, especialmente no século XIX. Records show that Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Venezuela received so many Andalusians and especially Canary Islanders through this century that their speech had a decisive effect on local speech patterns. Registros mostram que Cuba, Porto Rico e Venezuela, assim que recebeu muitos andaluzes e especialmente das ilhas Canárias, através deste século que o seu discurso teve um efeito decisivo sobre os padrões de voz local. Indeed, to an outsider's ear the Spanish of the Caribbean, Canary Islands, and Andalusia are strikingly similar. De fato, para alguém de fora de uma orelha a espanhola do Caribe, Ilhas Canárias e Andaluzia são notavelmente semelhantes.

Readers can experience regional accents from around the Spanish-speaking world by access a database created by Prof. Terrell A. Morgan of Ohio State University at the following URL: Leitores podem experimentar sotaques regionais de todo o mundo de língua espanhola por acessar um banco de dados criado pelo Prof Terrell A. Morgan, da Ohio State University, na seguinte URL: http://people.cohums.ohio-state.edu/morgan3/catalog.html. http://people.cohums.ohio-state.edu/morgan3/catalog.html.




Spanish Language Myths Mitos Língua Espanhola
The lack of accurate knowledge about the history of the Spanish language has contributed to the origination of a series of myths about Spanish phonology and morphology. A falta de conhecimento exato sobre a história da língua espanhola tem contribuído para a origem de uma série de mitos sobre a fonologia e morfologia espanhol. Unfortunately, it seems to be the case that the primary transmitters of these myths are teachers of Spanish, whose authority may explain why some of these misguided explanations have achieved the status of accepted fact. Infelizmente, parece ser o caso que os transmissores principais desses mitos são professores de espanhol, cuja autoridade pode explicar porque algumas dessas explicações equivocadas tenham atingido o estatuto de facto aceite. Below I address some of the more common myths. Abaixo vou abordar alguns dos mitos mais comuns.

Myth #1 : Mito 1: The zeta sound (unvoiced interdental fricative /θ/) entered Peninsular Spanish when the defective speech of a lisping king was imitated by the court – either because of his prestige or to avoid offending him – whence it spread to the general population. O som zeta (surda interdental fricativo / θ /) entrou Peninsular espanhol quando o discurso com defeito de um rei ceceio foi imitado pelo tribunal - ou por causa de seu prestígio ou para evitar ofendê-lo - de onde se espalhou para a população em geral. This myth is widespread among Spanish teachers in the United States and I have seen reference to it on Spanish American websites as well. Este mito é difundido entre professores de espanhol nos Estados Unidos e tenho visto referência a ele em espanhol websites americanos. Since American varieties of Spanish do not have the unvoiced interdental fricative /θ/ in their speech, its presence in Peninsular varieties is viewed as an eccentricity in need of explanation. Desde variedades americanas do espanhol não tem a surda interdental fricativo / θ /, em seu discurso, a sua presença em variedades Peninsular é visto como uma excentricidade que necessitam de explicação.

The myth is easy to disprove. O mito é fácil de refutar. First of all, if /θ/ arose in imitation of a lisp, how to explain that Peninsular Spanish has an /s/ phoneme? Primeiro de tudo, se / θ / surgiu na imitação de um lisp, como explicar que Peninsular em Espanha teve um s / fonema? Clearly, a lisping king would not pronounce las cinco cebras 'the five zebras' as [las θíŋko θé b ras], as most Spaniards do, but as [laθ θíŋko θé b raθ]. Claramente, um rei ceceio não pronuncia Las Cinco cebras «os cinco zebras", como [las θíŋko θé b ras], como a maioria dos espanhóis fazem, mas como [laθ θíŋko θé raθ b]. Second, historical information shows that whereas modern Spanish /s/ corresponds to Latin /s/ ( sex > seis 'six', septem > siete 'seven'), Spanish /θ/ corresponds to a number of Latin consonant/vowel combinations, often involving /k/ (Spoken Lat. cīnque [ki:ŋkwe] > cinco 'five', undecim [undekim] > once [ónθe] 'eleven'). Em segundo lugar, a informação histórica mostra que, enquanto o espanhol moderno / / s corresponde à América s / (sexo> seis 'seis',> siete Septem "sete"), espanhol / θ / corresponde a um número de latino-vogal / consoante combinações, muitas vezes envolvendo / k / (Falado Lat]. cinque [ki: Nkwe> Cinco "cinco", undecim [undekim]> uma vez 'onze' [ónθe]).

English also has a /θ/ phoneme, and yet no one suggests that English speakers lisp, so the question arises as to why it is seen as aberrant in Peninsular Spanish. Inglês também tem um / fonema / θ, e ainda ninguém sugere que lisp falantes de Inglês, assim que a questão de saber porque é visto como aberrante em Espanhol Peninsular. The answer is that it occurs in Peninsular Spanish where American Spanish speakers and English speakers expect /s/. A resposta é que ela ocorre na península espanhola onde o espanhol oradores americanos e alto-falantes Inglês esperar / s /. This is obvious in the case of American Spanish, since these varieties have /s/ for /θ/ in all cases. Isto é evidente no caso da América espanhola, uma vez que essas variedades foram / s / para / θ / em todos os casos. In English, it is unexpected because Peninsular Spanish speakers use /θ/ in a number of words spelled ci- and ce- whose English equivalents are pronounced with /s/, cf. Eng. cease , cell , cement , cipher , circle , circuit , cite , and city , corresponding to Sp. cesar , célula , cifra , círculo , circuito , citar and ciudad . Em Inglês, é inesperado porque Peninsular usar falantes de espanhol / θ /, em um número de palavras escritas de ci-e-Inglês cujos equivalentes ce são pronunciadas com / s /, cf. Eng. Cessar, celular, cimento, cifra círculo, circuito , cita, além da cidade, o que corresponde a SP. cesar, Célula, a Cifra, círculo, circuito citar, e ciudad. The cited English words are all loanwords from Old French, a language in which /s/ and the products of /ke/ and /ki/ merged as /s/. As palavras de Inglês são citados todos os vocábulos do francês antigo, uma língua em que / s / e os produtos de / ke / e / ki / mesclada como / s /.

Myth #2 : The article el is used with feminine words such as agua and hacha because Spanish does not tolerate atonic (unaccented) /a/ followed by tonic (accented) /a/. This myth is easily disproven, since Spanish has many examples of this sequence: Mito 2: O el artigo é usado com palavras femininas, tais como agua e hacha espanhol porque não tolera atônica (sem sotaque) / / seguido de tônico (acentuados) / a / exemplos. Este mito é facilmente refutada, uma vez que muitos espanhóis tem desta seqüência: mucha agua , la baja y la alta , esa turca y esta árabe , la tónica y la átona , aquella indiferente y esta ávida . agua mucha, la baja y la alta, esa turca y ESTA Árabe, la tonica y la átona, aquella ESTA y indiferente Avida. Note that we also do this in saying the names of the letters a and h : Note que nós também fazemos isso ao dizer que os nomes das letras A e H: la a and la hache . la uma e La Hache.

A corollary myth is the apparent belief (mentioned above) among some speakers that words such as agua , águila , hacha , alma , and hambre are masculine, as in the erroneous forms este águila and pocos águilas . Um mito corolário é a crença aparente (mencionados acima), entre alguns oradores que palavras tais como agua, águila, hacha, Alma, e hambre são masculinas, como nas formas errôneas águila Este e águilas Poços. In actuality, these words are all feminine, as shown by phrases such as el águila blanca , las águilas hermosas , la primera de las tres águilas . Na realidade, essas palavras são todas femininas, como mostrado por frases como blanca El Águila, las hermosas águilas, la primera de las Tres águilas. The historical explanation of this usage is that the peculiar phonetic evolution of the feminine Latin demonstrative adjective illa – the precursor of the Spanish article – produces not one but two equivalents. A explicação histórica desse uso é que a evolução fonética peculiar do adjetivo demonstrativo illa América feminina - o precursor do artigo espanhol - e não produz um, mas dois equivalentes. Where the following word begins with a consonant, illa loses its initial syllable and becomes la : la casa , la catedral , la cabeça , whereas when the following word begins with a vowel – any vowel – illa evolves differently, producing at first ela and finally el , as in el espada , el esquila , el ora , el otra parte and el alabança , el águila , el agua and el hacha . Quando a palavra seguinte começa com consoante, illa perde sua sílaba inicial la e torna-se: la casa, La Catedral, La Cabeça, ao passo que quando a palavra seguinte começa com uma vogal - qualquer vogal - illa evolui de modo diferente, produzindo na primeira ELA e, finalmente, el, como em espada el, el Esquila, ora el, el otra Parte alabança e el, el, el águila agua e hacha el. In other words, technically speaking, el is a feminine definite article in Spanish. Em outras palavras, tecnicamente falando, el é um artigo definido feminino em espanhol. The real mystery in this story is why, beginning in the sixteenth century, this system was only semi-abandoned. O verdadeiro mistério nesta história é porque, no início do século XVI, este sistema só foi semi-abandonado. It would have been easier for everyone either to retain the medieval system, or else to replace it with a more logical system, abandoning the feminine el allomorph altogether and imposing * la águila , * la agua and * la hacha along with la espada , la esquila , la hora and la otra parte . Teria sido mais fácil para todos, quer para manter o sistema medieval, ou então para substituí-lo com um sistema mais lógico, abandonando a allomorph el totalmente feminina e impondo la águila *, * e * agua la la la hacha juntamente com espada, la Esquila, La Hora e La otra Parte. We can probably attribute the partial retention of the archaic system to the inherent conservatism of grammar and grammarians: the impulse behind the retention of this somewhat artificial system was most likely the desire to protect the integrity of both forms of the feminine definite article. Provavelmente, podemos atribuir a retenção parcial do sistema arcaico para o conservadorismo inerente à gramática e gramáticos: o impulso por trás da manutenção deste sistema um pouco artificial foi provavelmente o desejo de proteger a integridade de ambas as formas do artigo definido feminino. It was an aspect of the old language that speakers of 16 th -century Spanish were simply not prepared to part with. Foi um aspecto da linguagem antiga que os falantes de espanhol do século 16 ª simplesmente não eram preparados para participar com ele.

Myth #3 : The Spanish orthographic system is completely phonetic. Although this is a myth, t here is no disputing that Spanish orthography reflects pronunciation with a great deal of accuracy, especially as compared with the orthography of English, which has six different ways or representing the consonant /s/ ( sap , ps ychology , pa ss , pea c e , sc issors , fa st en ) and eleven ways of representing the vowel /i/ ( b ee t , b ea t , w e , rec ei ve , k ey , bel ie ve , am oe ba , p eo ple , C ae sar , vasel i ne , lil y ). Mito 3: O sistema ortográfico espanhol é completamente fonética ou. Embora este seja um mito, t aqui é indiscutível que a ortografia espanhola reflete a pronúncia com um negócio de grande precisão, especialmente quando comparada com a ortografia do Inglês, que tem seis maneiras diferentes representando a relação s / consoante / (SAP, ps ychology, ss aa, c e ervilha, issors sc, fa r en) e onze maneiras de representar a vogal / i / (b t ee, t b bis e, w, ei rec k ey, ve, ve isto bel, estou ba oe, p PLE eo, C sar ae, vasel i ne, y lil). To clarify, when people say the Spanish alphabet is phonetic, they actually mean “phonemic”, and it is not unreasonable to expect an orthographical system to distinguish between phonemes, which are defined as the sounds capable of distinguishing minimal pairs or pairs of words that have different meanings and differ in only one sound, like v ale vs. d ale , ta l vs. ta n , co m e vs. co rr e and m a no vs. m o no . Para esclarecer, quando as pessoas dizem o alfabeto espanhol é fonética, que na verdade significa "fonêmica", e não é razoável esperar que um sistema ortográfico para distinguir fonemas, que são definidos como os sons capazes de distinguir pares mínimos ou pares de palavras que têm significados diferentes e diferem em apenas um som, como v ale vs d ale l ta, ta n vs, co m e x e rr e co m um m vs o jeito nenhum.

Now, in a completely phonemic orthographic system, each phoneme would correspond to one and only one graphic representation. Analyzed from this perspective, the Spanish orthographic system fails on a number of counts. On the one hand, some phonemes are represented by more than one graphic representation: /b/ ( v aca , b ala , w áter ), /k/ ( c ama , qu iero , k ilo ), /rr/ ( r ey , ca rr o ), /X/ ( g ime , j ota , Mé x ico ), /θ/ ( c ero , al z a ) and /s/ ( s oy , ta x i , and in seseo dialects, c ero and al z a ). In yeísta dialects, the sound /j/ is written as y eso and ll amo . On the other hand, there are graphic representations that correspond to more than one phoneme, eg, c ( cama [ k áma], cero [θéro] or [ s éro]), g ( gato [ g áto], gime [ X íme] or [ h íme]), w ( wáter [ b áter], whisky [ w íski]). There are additional complications as well. Some phonemes are written with two letters: /t š / ( le ch e ), /λ/ ( ca ll e ), /rr/ ( ca rr o ). As for the letter h, besides being a component of /t š /, it very often represents no sound at all ( h onor ).

In practice, of course, the Spanish orthographic systems works very well, in the sense that knowing how to spell a word is almost always sufficient information to know how the word is pronounced. The corollary is not true, however: Knowing how a word is pronounced is not always sufficient to know how it is spelled, given that, for example, the letters g , j , and x may all represent /x/, b and v represent /b/, y and /λ/ represent /j/, and, in many dialects, s , c , and z represent /s/. These account for misspellings such as jemir for gemir 'to whine', berde for verde 'green', yave for llave 'key', and sinco or zinco for cinco 'five'.

Myth #4 . The letter v should be pronounced as a voiced labiodental fricative. It is easy to undertand why some people would believe this myth, given what I have just said about the desirability of phonemic orthographic systems. Many Spanish speakers would find it satisfying to assign a labiodental pronunciation to the sound represented by the letter v , but the fact is that this letter is normally pronounced [b] or [ β ] (ie, as a bilabial stop or fricative, according to environment) in all varieties of Spanish.

Modern day dialectologists have found occurrences of the labiodental pronunciation of the letter v in isolated areas, including the Spanish provinces of Valencia, and in New Mexico, Arizona, California, and Paraguay. According to Juan M. Lope Blanch (1988), almost without exception these instances can be attributed to interference of neighboring languages that happen to have the voiced labiodental phoneme, ie, Valenciano in Valencia; English in New Mexico, Arizona and California; and Guaraní in Paraguay.

When [v] occurs outside of these areas, it is evidence that this myth owes its existence primarily to Spanish teachers who want to infuse their idiolects and those of their students with the added feature of a phonetic distinction between the two letters b and v . In doing so they hope to resolve one of the thorniest orthographical difficulties in the language, thus obviating the need to refer to them with colorful names such as b larga 'long b ' and v corta 'short v ' or b de burro ' b as in burro ' and v de vaca ' v as in vaca '.

Analysis of this phenomenon from both phonetic and sociolinguistic points of view shows that, in all these areas, the use of the voiced labiodental is in essence a hypercorrection. According to Tomás Navarro (1957), the articulation can be observed only in “personas demiasiado influidas por prejuicios ortográficos o particularmente propensas a afectación” (persons too much influenced by orthographic prejudices or particularly prone to affectation'). This assessment is second by both Lope Blanch, who labels this usage “ v pedante” (pedantic v ) and Malmberg (1950), who identifies it as a trait of “la pronunciación escolar” (school pronunciation).

Myth #5 . The pronoun sequence le lo is cacophonous. Spanish grammar stipulates that the third-person indirect object clitic pronouns le and les change to se when followed by the third-person direct object clitic pronouns lo , los , la , las . Since all other pronominal changes in form are triggered by changes in function – eg, él (subject), le (indirect object), lo (direct object) – rather than environment, this change is perceived as aberrant and thus in need of an explanation. A tradition has arisen whereby the impermissibility of the sequences le lo and les lo is attributed to a stylistic factor, ie, the supposed cacophony of these pronouns when pronounced in sequence.

This assertion is demonstrably false, since these syllable sequences occur frequently in Spanish. First, le lo and le la occur contiguously in lexical words such as lelo (fem. lela ) 'silly' and paralelo ( paralela ) 'parallel'. Second, both le and les precede lo occur in the sequence “indirect object pronoun + neuter article”, as in dile lo que piensas 'tell him what you think', dile lo mucho que lo quieres 'tell him how much you love him', and diles lo antes posible 'tell them as soon as possible'. These two categories are combined in my favorite example, dile lo lelo que es 'tell him how silly he is'. There is nothing remotely unusual or cacophonic about these sentences.

The historical explanation for the substitution of le and les by se is somewhat technical, and it is unreasonable to expect laypersons to understand its intricacies. Essentially, the Latin pronominal sequence from which se lo evolved – ill ī illu – underwent a series of regular phonetic changes that eventually produced ge lo ([ ž e lo] in medieval Castilian. This form was standard until the sixteenth century, when ge lo , presumably because of its isolation ( ge could not be used alone) was confused with the sequence se lo , composed of a reflexive pronoun plus a clitic pronoun, as in se lo lleva 'he/she takes it', se lo lava 'he/she washes it'. This confusion can be seen from our perspective as having added insult to injury, because the logical thing would have been to fix the ge problem by returning to an etymological solution, saying le lo , le la , etc.

I will briefly mention two other myths. The first is the idea that certain varieties of Spanish are more correct than others. In the Spanish-speaking world, this judgment is usually based on two factors: the degree to which the Spanish spoken in an area reflects orthography, and the prestige of the city in which it is spoken (where capital cities are almost always most prestigious). From another, sociolinguistic, point of view, however, it is clear that each Spanish variety is more appropriate than all others in the place where it is spoken: No matter how elegant Castilian Spanish may sound, a Cuban would be ill advised to use this variety in daily life. The second myth is the idea that Spanish is easy to learn for speakers of Western European languages. It is true that the simple noun morphology of Spanish (easy plurals, easy determination of gender) and the plethora of cognates present in most European languages make for quick progress in the early stages of learning Spanish, but our experience shows that the attainment of true mastery of Spanish is just as difficult as it is for any comparable language.






Works Cited Trabalhos Citados


Academia Española. Diccionario panhispánico de dudas . Madrid: Asociación de Academias de Lengua Española, 2005.

-----. Diccionario de la lengua española . 23ª edición. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 2005.

Sebastián de Covarrubias. Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española , edición integral e ilustrada de Ignacio Arellano y Rafael Zafra. Madrid: Universidad de Navarra, 2006.

Juan M. Lope Blanch, “La labiodental sonora en el español de México” NRFH 36: (1988): 153-70.

B. Malmberg. Études sur la phonétique de l'espagnol parlé en Argentine . Lund: Gleerup, 1950.

Tomás Navarro Tomás. Manual de pronunciación española , 5ª edición, New York: Hafner, 1957.





Suggested Readings



Introduction to Spanish Linguistics

Milton M. Azevedo. Introducción a la lingüística española . 2nd ed.
Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson/Prentice Hall, 2005.

This book is clearer and more attentive to questions of historical linguistics than its competitors.




Introduction to Spanish Phonetics

Armin Schwegler and Richard Barrutia. Fonética y fonología españolas: Teoría y praáctica . 2nd ed. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley and Sons, 1994.

Takes readers step by step through the phonological system of Spanish, with interesting additions on American varieties of Spanish.




Introduction to the History of Spanish

David A. Pharies. Breve historia de la lengua es pañola . Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007. Simultaneously published in English under the title A Brief History of the Spanish Language .

This book, the only true introduction to the history of Spanish available today, provides a more detailed discussion of all the topics covered above. Moreover, it is structured in such a way as to provide a more than superficial acquaintance with the Medieval Castilian of the thirteenth century. Its appendices include maps, indices of words and topics, works cited, a glossary of linguistic terms, and an introduction to the rudiments of Spanish phonology.




Historical Grammar

Ralph Penny. A History of the Spanish Language . Second edition. Cambridge: University Press, 2002. The first edition (1991) also appeared in Spanish translation as Gramática histórica del español, Barcelona: Ariel, 1993.

This is the clearest and most comprehensive description of the development of Spanish phonology, morphology, and lexis. It does not address syntax, and includes very little information on external history.




External History

Simon Barton. A History of Spain . New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.

Like other books on the topic, this one tends to provide more details than most readers are likely to need. It is, however, an authoritative and complete alternative to the many impressionistic histories that can be found on the internet.




Spanish-American Dialectology

John M. Lipski. Latin American Spanish . London: Longman, 1994.

The most comprehensive source of information about Spanish-American dialects, including important information on the origins and American Spanish, including

indigenous and African elements.








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Angela Angela
Untitled Sem título
¡Hola David! ¡Hola David!

Yo realmente como este knol, esto entra en la profundidad sobre el español y me gusta esto mucho. No soy el español yo mismo pero digo muchas lenguas.

¡Adiós! - Angela

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Graham Hunt
Excellent Overview
Brilliant and comprehensive

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Jesse Smith Jesse Smith
Very Informative
So much information it is hard to digest all at once. I really appreciated the debunked myths. Some people should just not teach Spanish given that they would not know a quarter of this history.

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Stephane JOURDAN
The real mystery
in this story is why, beginning in the sixteenth century, this system was only semi-abandoned. " "

en français, la même évolution a eu lieu et a donné naissance aux articles

masculins à deux formes : le et l'

féminin à deux formes : la et l'

remarquons qu'une des formes est commune aux deux genres, ainsi quand on entend dire l'arobase (par exemple) on ne peut pas en déduire si ce mot est masculin ou féminin. De même pour n'importe quel mot commençant par une voyelle (du point de vue phonétique) mais pas par un h dit "aspiré".

excellent article, bravo

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Simon Harris Simon Harris
Visibility Visibilidade
Dear David, Caro David,

I modified your text and the modification has been sent to you. The only the thing I did was to align the text using the 'justify' tool, in order to make your excellent article more pleasing on the eye.

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Manuel Manuel
Invitación a participar en el proyecto "Libros Colaborativos"
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Olga Lapshinova
A great article
That is indeed a good and comprehensive article on Spanish language. Was surprised to know about myths - thought them mostly true:) Thank you!

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Jorge Paredes
What about Greek roots?
I think that this article is great but incomplete. I was tought during my highschool years at La Salle University that in order to understand words meaning and orihin in our language, they had to be analyzed through their ethimologies, which are Greek/Latin. From this perspective you'll find that many word's origin are completely Greek, completely Latin or a mix of both. It would be great if someone could complement this article including the vast Grrek influence.

Last edited Oct 11, 2008 1:29 AM Report abusive comment Hide report window comentário abusivo Relatório Esconder janela de relatório 0 0 View/post replies (1) to this comment ▼ Hide replies to this comment ▲ It's impossible to include everything in one article, and the influence of Greek vocabulary on modern languages comes later with the introduction of scientific vocabulary from the seventeenth century onwards.
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Natan Gesher
Judeo-Spanish Judeu-espanhol
The archaic Jewish dialect of Spanish is called Ladino, not Sefardí.

Last edited Dec 9, 2008 8:58 AM Report abusive comment Hide report window comentário abusivo Relatório Esconder janela de relatório 0 0 View/post replies (2) to this comment ▼ Hide replies to this comment ▲ Can you please give a reference for this as Sefardí is the term I've always read to refer to the Sephardim (Jews) who lived in Medieval Spain.
Report abusive comment Hide report window comentário abusivo Relatório Esconder janela de relatório Posted by Simon Harris , last edited Oct 11, 2008 1:30 AM Mmmm. Mmmm. I'm quite reluctant to say, "just google it," so how about this?
http://www.jewishvir tuallibrary.org/jsou rce/Judaism/Sephardi m.html
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Matt Pendleton
Go Gators!
This was a great article written by a Gator professor. I've learned so much more about the Spanish language!

The Gator Nation is definitely everywhere!

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